Social Media as Local Medium: The Mobilisation of Local Wind Farm Opposition Online

Abstract

Renewable energy developments within local contexts are increasingly political rather than technical challenges. The research question guiding the findings presented within this chapter is on the role of social media in mobilising a community in opposition to a renewable energy development. The paper analyses a social media campaign acting as a mobilising force for the successful opposition to a rural wind farm development. A mixed-method approach to social media analysis has been developed to provide insights across two key parameters: geographical context and engagement. Two key empirical findings are represented; firstly, the geographical context of social media posts has a clear impact on rates of engagement, with relevance to organising online opposition, and trying to manage conflict for developers. Secondly, there was a strong correlation between engagement with the page and successes within the opposition campaign in real life, highlighting the role social media plays both in energy politics in local contexts, and in a broader societal context, energising real world action. As with much of social life, social media and online communication holds significant influence. Further consideration is needed as to how this may impact upon energy transitions and climate action more broadly.

1. Introduction

The need for an expedited energy transition is beyond debate [1], however, how this is implemented is still open for discussion. Whilst at a national [2] or global level the idea of renewable deployment is generally viewed favourably, at the local level social acceptance is often a contentious issue [3]. In many cases [4, 5] local resistance to the deployment of renewable energy infrastructure has succeeded in preventing the development of renewable capacity. Within this context, communicative social media platforms have a role as mechanisms through which to mobilise opposition to potential developments.

Renewable energy developments within local contexts can be seen as a political rather than technical challenge [3] within which social and ecological values play an important role and trade-offs occur [6]. Place attachment, place change and visual impact are three of the many reasons for opposition found in the literature [7, 8]. A lack of trust in developers [9]; disagreements over the payment of compensation [10] and a lack of information from project developers [11] are also noted as issues. Reasons for supporting proposals include having a global rationale, being a supporter of the technology in question [12], the economic benefits of renewable energy, and trust in the scientific knowledge base [13]. Despite these reasons for supporting development, there are still difficulties with regards to representation in discussions on the development. The idea of a ‘silent majority’ [14] has been used to describe the situation in which a minority of people who hold oppositions to a potential project are involved in discussions with developers in the public sphere while the majority in favour of the development stay quiet to not disrupt things within their community. This is in keeping with the theoretical work of Noelle-Neumann [15] on the ‘spiral of silence’ within public opinion. As noted “people generally do not come forward with positive responses to planners’ agendas” ([16]: 58). The contentious nature of the development of wind is represented in this research paper.

The potential for Facebook and other online platforms to act as an amplification of opinion, be that positive or negative, has been previously noted (See: [17] on fake news). The network effect of social media platforms and how they are designed for maximising attention in order to increase available revenue through advertising drives engagement which can create the emergence of viral content and within this the spread of misinformation. Social influence spreads through networks, shaping behaviour and beliefs. Algorithmic amplification prioritises information which garners the most attention often leading to this spread of misinformation, and as it plays out over time leads to the polarisation of opinion into factions. This dynamic is somewhat reminiscent of the Spanish-American War, “if it leads it bleeds”, however differently to those days there are no longer centralised broadcasting instead replaced with atomised narrowcasting and echo chambers. This development has led to the contemporary milieu where emotion and personal beliefs shape public opinion above objective facts leading to the erosion of public trust in institutions and the regression of spaces for civil discourse. Contemporary research has sought to understand the way in which new mechanisms for communication established through instantaneous connectivity at global scale, coupled with the challenges references above are impacting upon the individual. Writing in 2010, Carr provides a comprehensive analysis of the ways in which internet use has a cognitive impact upon users in relation to attention, memory, and information retrieval. Users move towards skimmed reading in a sea of information away from immersive deep reading found through physical mediums. On from this, and facilitated by the rise of social media as a dominant force within the attention economy, studies have been undertaken which provide a basis for a correlation between social media use and negative mental health effects such as depression and anxiety [18].

Despite these emergent studies, the impact of media on public discourse has been well analysed from the middle of the 20th century onwards. The often-referenced work of Marshall McLuhan [19] presented the famous aphorism that the “medium is the message” whereby the way in which information is consumed is of greater relevance in relation to its implications for society than what said information actual pertains to. In relation to the challenges imposed by increasing social media use, this concept has contemporary relevance. At the same time work emerged to understand the role of an image mediated culture in preserving established power structures, embedding the individual into a passive consumer structure rather than being active participants within political life [20]. What this means when the individual is both a consumer and producer of said image mediation in current times draws up interesting questions for such power structures and political and democratic processes. The work of Postman [21] outlines the shift from print to image-dominated culture implemented through the rise of television had led to the trivialization of news, politics and social issues with an associated decline in societies capacity for critical thinking. This movement towards entertainment over engagement with serious topics of discourse, Postman argued, presents challenges to intelligent discourse and has the potential to undermine democracy.

The negative impacts of social media are well documented. They can, however, provide a means through which a wider citizenry can become engaged in the public discourse, through the virtual public sphere. Despite disinformation and polarisation, the democratic potential of such spaces for participation in social life must be acknowledged. How to improve social media moving forward is much discussed (see: [22] on legislation; [23] on open-source technology and decentralisation). This tension between participation and misinformation is often of importance across many contemporary social issues.

New forms of interconnection established through social media have been studied with relation to activism and protest [24]. As Marshall suggests; “the internet has produced entirely new areas for the formation, expression and enforcement of social norms and in-group out-group dynamics. Facebook enables people to broadcast their views far more widely and brazenly than would happen in typical social interactions” ([25]: 23). While research does exist on the role of online platforms for offline protests [26], further investigations on the impact this may have within the socio-technical transition is warranted. Misinformation with regards to climate change did not emerge alongside social media and has a long history (see: [27]). Studies investigating the implications of post-truth politics and the culture of misinformation around climate change is something that is beginning to emerge within the literature [3, 28]. More specifically, recent research has begun looking at social media as a powerful mobilizer of local resistance to wind power [29] and the central role of social media platforms in energy debates [30].

In this chapter, a novel contribution is made through the longitudinal analysis of the social media presence and operations of an opposition campaign to a wind farm development over 12 months. This has been done to analyse the importance of social media as a space for mobilisation and the role this may play in the socio-technical transition to a low-carbon society moving forward. This paper analyses the use of Facebook by an opposition group to the development of a proposed wind farm claiming to be for community benefit in the Irish context. Through qualitative interviewing the importance of Facebook as a space for the mobilisation of social resistance emerged as a key area for research. This chapter seeks to highlight the role of the social media platform in enabling the facilitation of a successful opposition campaign which culminated in the abandonment of the proposed development.

2. Context

2.1 Social acceptance issues for wind developments in Ireland

The primary renewable energy resource being pursued in the Irish context to meet emissions reduction targets is wind- both onshore and offshore. While increases have been made with regards to the generation of electricity capacity through the deployment of wind over the last number of years, there is still a considerable gap to bridge to meet emission reduction targets for 2030. Financial barriers exist such as taxes on renewable energy technologies and the lack of adequate financial incentives at government level to support development. Also, technical issues such as grid connection provide hurdles for potential developments. The major issues, however, preventing the increased development of Ireland’s natural wind resource are social [31]. The increased importance of offshore wind in harnessing potential capacity has so far been lacking with regards to adequate care towards such social dynamics.

In this Irish context, reference has been made to the historical belief that the dissemination of necessary information was all that was needed to implement low-carbon solutions [32]. In recent times the role of the citizen has been recognised, helped by a range of oppositional campaigns and their representation in the media. The development of wind in Ireland became an ever-increasing issue of contention in 2013 when three large wind farm developments in the midlands were proposed which aimed to export all electricity produced to the UK. Alongside the range of reasons for opposition referenced above, members of the citizenry opposed to renewable development for domestic needs are unlikely to respond favourably to projects for export [11]. In the context of 2013 and austerity, the likelihood of an export project to the United Kingdom being met with no opposition was unlikely, particularly in the historical context of the Irish ‘breadbasket’ during the Great Famine [33]. Also in 2013, several anti-pylon protests in the country began to link in with one another, strengthening opposition to the proposed Grid Link project [34]. From this point onwards in the Irish context, opposition to wind turbines and associated infrastructure has become a common occurrence within the renewable energy transition [35]. At a broad level, the importance of environmental issues has fluctuated in Irish society over the last twenty years. The current drive towards decarbonisation, outlined in an all of government Climate Action Plan [36], is counterbalanced with the increased levels of opposition to renewable deployment and associated infrastructure. Poor practice on the part of developers has played a considerable role.

2.2 Case study wind farm (CSWF)

Six years before the 12 months under investigation in this study a committee of individuals formed within the anonymised villages of A, B and C to discuss the possibility of developing a community wind farm for the area, under the company name of CSWF (fictional). A long planning process occurred from this point up until the 12 months under investigation, when upon hearing of the proposal an oppositional campaign began to emerge predominantly operating through the social media platform Facebook through the use of a ‘like’ page, i.e. a page in which an administrator can post content which is viewed in the newsfeed of Facebook members who have ‘liked’ the page. In month 1 a meeting was held in a nearby town hall adjacent to the study area, organised in opposition to the proposal, and calling into question the viability of the project across a wide range of topics such as aesthetics, health, house prices, noise, proximity to homes and other such objections. Following this meeting, a strong oppositional campaign began. The oppositional group (Anti-CSWF) championed the rejection of the proposed wind farm, citing the lack of community buy-in as a fundamental flaw within the proposal. Suspicion of the proposal, and the motives of the interested parties, was of crucial importance to the oppositional campaign. These concerns were often outlined on signage opposing the development throughout the three villages following the initial meeting in month 1. In months 4 and 5 Anti-CSWF undertook a community-wide survey in which the response suggested that 99.2% of the community were against CSWF’s proposal. Prior to this, a contentious online debate emerged surrounding the proposal in month 3. No public consultation around the project had yet emerged.

At this time, CSWF put out a tender for a community development officer who would assist in attempted to gain community support for the project. As part of this process, a consultation was planned for month 7, but due to a death within the community, it was cancelled and rescheduled for month 9. In month 9, before the public consultation, a protest march was organised in village A. The anti-CSWF group gauged attendance at the march to be 1000 people, with local media suggested it to be in the ‘hundreds’ and no official figures given. The public consultation went ahead the following week and involved several consultants speaking with members of the public about noise issues, site location, community benefit and technical specifics. As part of this process, public feedback forms were issued for completion to supplement online feedback forms. From this process 67 of the 72 respondents were resolutely opposed to the project, stating that under no circumstances were they in support of the proposal, rather than highlighting concerns that could be overcome for the project to move on. The CSWF project had a divisive effect within the community with many personal accounts referencing the tensions which it has caused in a previously tight-knit community. Following on from the public consultation and the feedback, the CSWF committee met to discuss the plans for the project. In month 10 it was announced that they could not persist with the community wind farm development as it had become too much of a contentious issue within the area and their ability to garner local buy-in had been compromised by the overwhelming opposition to the proposal in place.

2.3 Online activism and mobilizations for protest

Within this chapter we support the suggestion that online spaces for the mobilisation of protest and resistance are central to the overall case; “digitally mediated interaction is not a domain of its own but has become part and parcel of how controversies unfold” ([29]: 2). Within the contemporary context, it is important to note that the internet, and within this social media, “makes a significant contribution to protest mobilization” ([37]: 782). The ability of social media platforms to enable the creation of solidarity in a digital sphere [38] has relevance to offline participation. In some cases, it is suggested “slacktivism” occurs whereby online participation satisfies citizens enough, preventing offline action [39]. Alternatively, “spillover” may occur, with online engagement acting as an entry point for offline participation [40]. The Right 2 Water campaign against Irish Water’s introduction of water charges (2014–2016) was the first popular protest in the country to make use of social media with 22,700 videos uploaded online and shared across 110 separate social media pages [41]. Some estimations suggested it to be the largest protest movement in the history of the state [42]. As noted previously, “social media carry the potential to empower their users to express their own discourses, shape public debates and influence the political decision making” ([43]: 2).

Despite being a relatively underdeveloped area of study [44], the relationship between social media and social movements has begun to gain more traction moving beyond the oversimplified rejection of the potential influence of the former on the latter found in earlier discussions [45]. Following on from Tufekci [46] the internet has emerged as a digital iteration of the public sphere. The ability of this digital public sphere to enable protesters to mobilise quickly, facilitating solidarity is recognised as a potential benefit. Yet, such mobilisation can quickly dissolve, lacking a well-developed structural foundation. Depending on the context, this ability to enable fast mobilizations may be beneficial in relation to the situation at hand. The American insurrection on 6th January 2021 was a coming of age moment for the linkages between online information and offline action. Here, the research approach is aligned with the theoretical understanding that the relationships between social media and activism is evident with regards to potential success, particularly in specific contexts which require speed of mobilisation such as an imminent infrastructure project.

3. Methods

Through investigating a rural protest campaign against the development of a wind project, a mixed-method approach has been used. Through initial interviews, several respondents focused on the importance of social media in mobilising the protest campaign (see: 4.1). This data guided further investigation into the role of social media in this process. The chronological outline of methods has been provided below (Table 1).

Chronology of methods
1. Exploratory Interviews	Initial interviews took place in the community with both those opposed and those in favour of the development. The role of social media emerged as a theme for further research. (See: 4.1)
2. Quantifying engagement	Every post made on the Facebook page was analysed for the amount of likes and shares it received during the study period. (See: 4.3)
3. Determining Geographical context	After engagement was quantified, the geographical context of each post was determined and logged based on the location codes. (See: 4.2)
4. Graphing Engagement and Context	The progression in engagement and context of the posts on the Facebook page during the study period were graphed against time. (see: 4.4)

Table 1.

Chronology of methods used.

3.1 Conducting exploratory interviews

In the initial stages of this research process, investigating an oppositional wind farm campaign, a number of qualitative interviews were conducted in the geographical area in question. These interviews were used to gather responses and analyse the motivations of both those in support and opposition to the proposed development. As Rubin and Rubin explain “qualitative interviewing is appropriate when the purpose of the research is to unravel complicated relationships and slowly evolving events” ([47]: 51). The role of social media in mobilising online opposition to the proposed development became a key consideration through the interview process and guided further research outlined below. Relevant quotations from these interviews have been included in the results section (see: 4.1 Online opposition and its divisive potentialities).

3.2 Analysing the Facebook page

In response to rumours within the community, a Facebook “like” page was set up anonymously which centred on a clear anti-turbine message. Soon after its initial set up, this page was observed to take an active and central role in the community resistance to the proposed wind turbine development. The role was evidenced by the pre-emptive nature of the posts on the page regarding protest meetings and actions. Throughout the period from its setting up to after the wind turbine development failed, the anti-turbine community protest Facebook page contains 507 posts created by the administrator(s). Specific focus on the role of the administrator(s) was excluded from the study due to ethical considerations. 12 months of posts on the page constitutes the data analysed in this paper. The posts were analysed during 2019 after the page became inactive. The contextual nature of privacy in online social media platforms was noted [48] and any names/places/dates associated with the case in question have been removed.

For this research, each post made by the Facebook page during the study period was analysed for the level of engagement garnered and for the geographical relevance of the topic of the post. Due to a lack of third-party software and/or api availability, this aspect of the research was conducted manually with each post analysed individually and entered an excel sheet tracker during the timeframe of this research. Each post made by the page during the study period was analysed in chronological order. The real-time and date of each post was noted firstly. The level of engagement that each post garnered was assessed based on the number of likes, comments and shares that the post received. The more likes, comments and shares a post received the higher the level of engagement with it has been. The spreadsheet headings are shown below (Figure 1).

Figure 1.

Headings used to classify content on Facebook Page in MS Excel.

Facebook [49] has been noted to assign different relative values to each of these metrics with shares having the most relative value followed by comments and likes. The relationship between these relative values and user sentiment has been further noted by Kaur et al. [50] and Lou et al. [51] in subsequent research on social media user sentiment. In practise how a user interacts with Facebook posts both determine their engagement with the posts as well as the likelihood of others engaging with the same post. This is reflected in the likelihood of a particular post appearing in the news feeds of other Facebook users who do not share a direct interest in the page in question. In this respect, a share has a value that is approximately equal to 2 comments, each of which has roughly equal weight to 7 likes. Therefore a share has a value equivalent to 14 likes when Facebook determines whether a post is worthy of being seen by its users. The equation used is as follows; {Likes (1): Comments (2): Shares (14)}. Each of these metrics was noted for every post during the study period and can be seen in the graphed data. Specific reference to the content of comments was excluded from the study due to ethical considerations. The manual method of analysis used during this research was onerous but guaranteed the availability of reliable data, something which is often cited as a problem in social media-based research [52]. Two coders worked on the data over 12 months using a pre-designed coding scheme to ensure intercoder reliability (Figure 1) [53]. Qualitative social media analysis, while evident [54], is not established in the literature when compared with a quantitative approach.

Throughout the study period, the posts were made by an anonymous administrator(s) and the posts authors were never identified. The actual dates of the study period have been standardised (i.e. month 1, month 2 etc.) to secure the anonymity of the study area.

3.3 Geographical context analysis

During the analysis of the engagement of the Facebook pages posts, it was determined that every post noted during the study period also had a clear geographical context which varied from local, to national, to international. The context of the content produced by the page was noted in each post. In the absence of any previous method to determine the geographical relevance of social media posts in transitions research, one was created for this study. This method of defining the geographical relationship between the Facebook posts and the study area was done by comparing the post content and any contained links to the below table and giving the post a context label. The context labels indicated whether the Facebook post was local, national, or international in terms of its primary relation to the study area (Table 2).

Context	Post description
Local	Post content or link has relevance only to the immediate study area. This could include meetings, local issues or points of view that would be most relevant and easily understood by those living within the area. This would also entail any post that relates only to the development in a local sense.
National	Post content or link has relevance beyond the study area within a national context. This would be the case if it was related to a similar development or instance of protest elsewhere in the country or related to national policy.
International	Post content or link refers to a broader or internationally relevant issue that is not specific to either the national or local context.

Table 2.

Outline of post descriptions for classification of geographical context.

The application of context labels was the responsibility of both persons assessing the data. Of the total 507 posts investigated over the 12 months, 10 have been excluded from the results as the context in question was unclear.

4. Results

4.1 Online opposition and its divisive potentialities

The most indicative depiction of the conflict around the proposed wind farm development occurred online; through social media forums. Its central role was evident throughout the interview process which guided further investigation focusing more specifically on the online forum to see what role social media played in the rise of opposition to CSWF (Table 3).

Quotes from Interviewee’s

“This is a project which has given a very local example of fake news and the internet phenomenon. Internet shaming and all of that is there, online bullying (is) very prominent in this campaign”.

“There have been a few heated debates on Facebook”.

“I think over the last number of weeks it has not been good, some of the Facebook and all that… not what you want to see”.

“it gets out (opposition) and it’s no bother at all on one of these (gestures to phone)… It makes it kind of anonymous in one way (to oppose project)”

Table 3.

Quotes from interviews in the initial investigation guiding further research on the role of social media.

4.2 Data related to geographical context of posts

The dataset analysed is the 507 anonymized Facebook posts that appeared on the Facebook page during the study period of this research. Of these 497 are included. 10 have been excluded as the geographical context was unknown. The left-hand column below represents the average likes, comments and shares per post. The right represents the total. Values have been assigned to each engagement metric, aligning with the work of Kim and Yang [49]. The total value once an assignment has been applied is represented in bold.

Across the three geographical contexts likes ranked as the most often invoked form of engagement in terms of clicks. Once each engagement form was weighted [49], shares ranked as the most impactful form of engagement across the three geographical contexts. 33% of posts were with relation to the local context, of which the average value weighted engagement per post was 241.6. 36% of posts were with relation to the national context, of which the average value weighted engagement per post was 129.3. 31% of posts were with relation to the international context, of which the average value weighted engagement per post was 96.4. Of the total value-weighted engagements of 67,712, 52% were local, 29% were national and 19% were international.

4.3 Graphs of engagement with posts per month

Through looking at engagement with posts over 12 months, likes and shares have been focused on. With relation to comments, total numbers were relatively low throughout all three geographical contexts so have not been focused on here in-depth. It is worth noting, however, that the local context posts gained most engagement with relation to comments, followed by national and then international context (see: Tables 4–6). Two clear spikes in engagement are evident throughout the 12 months. The weighting given to shares (÷14) indicates their relative importance compared to likes (÷1) and comments (÷2) in this context.

Local posts (164)
Average Likes per post	21.0 (x1) 21.0	Total Likes	3449 (x1) 3449
Average Comments per post	3.2 (x2) 6.4	Total Comments	297 (x2) 594.0
Average Shares per post	15.3 (x14) 214.2	Total Shares	2249 (x14) 31486
Total Average per post	39.5241.6	Total Sum	5995 35,529

Table 4.

Outline of engagement with local posts with relation to likes, comments, shares and total.

National posts (181)
Average Likes per post	11.7 (x1) 11.7	Total Likes	2110 (x1) 2210
Average Comments per post	1.4 (x2) 2.8	Total Comments	106 (x2) 212
Average Shares per post	8.2 (x14) 114.8	Total Shares	1219 (x14) 17066
Total Average per post	20.6129.3	Total Sum	3435 19,488

Table 5.

Outline of engagement with national posts with relation to likes, comments, shares and total.

International posts (152)
Average Likes per post	9.0 (x1) 9.0	Total Likes	1339 (x1) 1339
Average Comments per post	1.0 (x2) 2.0	Total Comments	43 (x2) 86
Average Shares per post	6.1 (x14) 85.4	Total Shares	805 (x14) 11270
Total Average per post	16.1 96.4	Total Sum	2187 12,695

Table 6.

Outline of engagement with International posts with relation to likes, comments, shares and total.

4.4 Geographical context of posts over 12-month period

In highlighting posts per month with relation to the geographic context we see a relatively stable trend in the opening months (1–2) of the online campaign. In month 6,the middle of the campaign, the majority of the posts were International in context. In month 9, the majority of posts were local in context. Figures 2 and 3 illustrates the value of local posts in gaining engagement, running in parallel to the scaling up of offline protest mechanisms towards the end of the period under investigation. It is also interesting to note that the national context remained most stable throughout the 12 months, with both the local and international context fluctuating in terms of post numbers per month.

Figure 2.

Engagement with posts per month using likes, comments and shares which act as a measure of engagement. The relative importance of these different metrics is graphed according to the engagement multipliers noted by Kim and Yang [49]. Two spikes in engagement are seen during Month 3 and Month 9. These spikes correlate with the beginning of the protest movement and the failure of the project respectively.

Figure 3.

Percentage of posts per month with relation to geographical context showing a spike in the proportion of locally relevant posts during Month 9 followed by a decline in the local relevance, coupled with an increase in the incidence of international relevance, of the posts as wind farm projects became unviable.

5. Discussion

5.1 The importance of geographical context

As noted previously, opposition to wind turbines and associated infrastructure has become a common occurrence in Ireland within the renewable energy transition [35]. Both historically and in recent times, the country mobilises best at the level of community. A communitarian ethic has been traced concerning the socio-religious discourse on community [55] developed through the Catholic Church. In modern times the importance of community, in this case, local place-based communities, to mobilise against the Right2Water campaign must be recognised. It is in this context that the findings illustrated in Figure 3 and Tables 4–6 can be discussed. As the tables show, there was a relatively even distribution between the three categories in terms of posts. However, there was a much greater level of engagement with local posts on the page. In Figure 3 we can see the geographical context of the posts playing out over 12 months.

The mapped code “geographical context” can be taken as a signifier of place attachment within the context of this research. Community attachment with place is a complex and multifaceted process that has been shown [56] to link both individual and community-level place and social cognition, emotions, and behaviours in response to community-level environmental disruptions or threats which lead to collective actions, adaptations, or acceptance. We explore the relationship between place attachment, within the sphere of online protest action, through graphing the reaction and engagement between the public and a Facebook page in terms of geographical context. A clear correlation between spikes in engagement Figure 2 and an increase in the percentage of locally relevant content Figure 3 can be seen in our graphed data.

5.2 Engagement rates with the page through 12-month period

Two spikes in engagement with posts are evident through the analysis (see Figures 2 and 4). The first, occurring in month 3 coincided with signage being erected throughout the area in opposition to the proposed development. At this time the page used links to international studies to highlight the negative implications of a wind development for the area. These negatives have precedent in the literature with relation to wind opposition and included; infrasound [57], house prices [8], turbine collapse [58], flicker [59], landscape impact [60]. The use of international literature to highlight potential negative implications of the development of wind in the area was undertaken in parallel to both the erection of signage in opposition and the announcement that a survey would be administered to gauge support for the development. The Facebook page was used to distribute signage throughout the community for a small fee.

Figure 4.

Engagement with posts per month using likes, comments and shares which act as a measure of engagement. The relative importance of these different metrics is graphed according to their incidence without any interpretation. A lag variance between engagement spikes is seen when comparing the different metrics.

The second spike concerning engagement (likes and shares) occurred in month 9. This was the height of the oppositional campaign both online and offline. As outlined previously, in month 9 a protest march was organised with the anti-CSWF group gauging attendance to be approximately 1000 people, gaining local media attention which gave a vague estimate of attendance in the‘hundreds’. A public consultation went ahead the following week involving several consultants speaking with members of the public about noise issues, site location, community benefit, environmental impacts and technical specifics. As part of this process, public feedback forms were issued with 67 of the 72 respondents resolutely opposed to the project, stating that under no circumstances were they in support of the proposal. In month 10 it was announced that the project would not be continuing.

The importance of early involvement, full information and transparency has long since been noted in the literature on community engagement for wind development [61]. The ability of the opposition campaign to successfully raise awareness of the project from their perspective, conduct a survey of local opinions, and organise a community-wide protest before the first public consultation on the part of the developers was helped by the use of social media. Following the announcement in month 10 that the project would not go ahead, the opposition page moved into national solidarity, sharing content related to national cases framed differently than before. Now, the page offered support to national cases, moving beyond the previous use of national cases to gain local support. The networked nature of social media pages in opposition to wind developments has been previously studied [29].

6. Conclusion

In the case study outlined here, the developers’ ability to garner local buy-in was compromised by the overwhelming opposition to the proposal which was in place by the time a public consultation occurred. The mobilisation of this opposition was assisted through the use of an online social media platform. Recent developments within the literature have highlighted the importance of online platforms as spaces for opposition within the socio-technical transition to a low-carbon society [29, 30]. Our research has made contributions on three levels. Firstly, a methodological contribution has been made within a mixed-method approach through the development of a systematic approach to qualitative social media analysis of post content with relation to geographical context and rates of engagement. Future research could apply this method to other online campaigns. On from this, at a theoretical level, there is a great need for further research to investigate the relationship between online activism and local mobilizations of protest.

Secondly, at an empirical level, this research found that the geographical context of social media posts has a clear impact on rates of engagement with the content. Local content was most frequently engaged with. Finally, there was a strong correlation between engagement with the page and successes within the opposition campaign in real life. This highlights the crucial role social media now plays in conflicts related to the deployment of renewable energy technologies in local contexts. The use of international misinformation to gain support for a local campaign was noted here on a cursory level and requires further in-depth research to develop this emergent area of investigation [28].

Overall, social media platforms must be acknowledged by developers and policymakers as focal points for controversies and conflict with relation to engaging with local communities on the development of renewable energy capacity. For groups mobilising in opposition to a proposed development, this research has highlighted the central role of content related to the local context in gaining traction online. To leverage social media in mobilising opposition, focus should be given to content related to the local context. Renewable energy developments within local contexts can be seen as a political rather than technical challenge [3], and with this the relationship between social media and the development of renewable energy in local contexts must be given greater attention moving forward, aligning with the rise of digital platforms for participation in political discourse.