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Abstract
About 2.4 billion people in the world live in water-scarce regions. Approximately half of the world’s population suffers from water scarcity for at least part of the year and 52% will be severely water-stressed by 2050. These figures are expected to increase, exacerbated by climate change and population growth. In Argentina, there is a semi-arid sub-region representative of the South American biome known as Gran Chaco, in the Chaco Salteño area (northwest). Here, access to water in rural communities is a structural problem, representing the greatest constraint to the productive capacity and resilience to climate change of families. At the socioeconomic level, it is one of the regions with the worst rates of access to water and sanitation, and with the highest levels of unsatisfied basic needs. Indeed, one of the most pressing problems is the lack of water in sufficient volumes for consumption and production. In this context, it is imperative to manage access to safe water, with technical solutions appropriate to the social, cultural, and environmental context and that are sustainable over time. This document analyzes this problem in the region, presenting successful experiences of water management based on collaboration between the State and civil society.
Keywords
- semi-arid Chaco
- water assessment
- water harvesting systems
- climate change
- water access
1. Introduction
Ensuring access to safe drinking water has been one of the central concerns of various state agencies, international organizations, and civil society in Latin America. In 2010, the United Nations General Assembly explicitly recognized access to water and sanitation as an essential human right [1, 2]. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) included in the 2030 Agenda have as their main objective to put an end to poverty in all its forms, urging all countries to adopt strategic measures that address economic growth and social needs while combating climate change and promoting environmental protection [3, 4, 5, 6].
Argentina began in January 2016 the process of adapting the SDGs to the national reality under the leadership of the National Council for the Coordination of Social Policies and with the participation of all the agencies of the National Executive Branch—
However, the World Bank report revealed in 2021 that 17% of the population in Argentina lacks access to safely managed water and more than twice as many lack access to sanitation services [10]. The Gran Chaco region (Santiago del Estero, Chaco, Formosa, and Salta, among others) is the most affected, with 41% of households without water. This serious service gap mainly affects the poor and vulnerable in peri-urban areas. Moreover, water quality problems pose risks to public health and the environment, and climate change is increasing pressure on the resources.
1.1 Multilevel governance
In Argentina, there is no general national law regulating available water resources, but it is enshrined in international treaties of constitutional rank, and each province has its own legal-political structure for managing and administering the resource. Nor is there any public planning in the country that includes water and energy issues as part of a thematic and strategic Nexus. This situation leads, in regions such as Chaco, to the emergence of intersectoral and interjurisdictional conflicts.
However, what is established in Argentina’s federal political-administrative system is that most of the legal competences for the management of natural resources correspond to the provinces. These are the owners of water resources, including interjurisdictional rivers, and they are responsible for the provision of water services within their boundaries. Thus, in Argentina, access to water poses a complex scenario since the federal governance system implies understanding that there are 24 different ways of managing this service (the 23 provinces and the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires). However, this federal structure of the country also offers opportunities for multilevel governance and locally based policies. Since, as mentioned above, there is no national law regulating the service, each of the provinces has the power to regulate it. Thus, federalism creates the possibility for the provinces to adopt specific localized measures, which can also be financially supported by the national government. This great potential for partnership at various levels can help develop a shared, forward-looking national strategic vision backed by the necessary investments in tangible and intangible infrastructure. The truth is, however, that these opportunities are currently untapped.
Law 25,688 of 2002 sought to promote a general legislative framework for water management and to establish the minimum environmental budgets for the preservation, development, and rational use of water resources. However, this norm, known as Environmental Water Management, was never regulated, operationalized, or applied directly and conclusively for the solution of concrete cases. The environmental policy coordination entity defined for this law is the Federal Environmental Council (COFEMA), which establishes special commissions to articulate and coordinate the implementation of environmental policy and management instruments. In 2003, the provinces and the national government agreed on the Guiding Principles of Water Policy of the Argentine Republic (PRPH), which established guidelines that allow the integration of the technical, social, economic, legal, institutional, and environmental aspects of water into the concept of water resources management. This was definitely an important step toward the adoption of a more integrated water management approach.
Salta province is one of the few institutions that have a space dedicated to stakeholder participation in the decision-making process. The provincial water law passed in 1998 (Law 7.017) created the
1.2 Water in the Chaco region
The Chaco is an ecoregion that represents the second largest natural biome in South America, second only to the Amazon region [11]. It is one of the most environmentally and biologically diverse regions on the planet. It extends from central Argentina to western Paraguay, southeastern Bolivia, and, marginally, Brazil. More than 8 million people live in the American Chaco (8% of whom are indigenous) [12, 13]. However, due to its natural conditions and human intervention, it is also one of the region’s most vulnerable to the effects of the climate crisis in Latin America [14]. Soil erosion, desertification, and alteration of the hydrological regime are some of the problems that already affect this territory [15]. Despite being the second largest and most important forest in South America, the region has lagged behind other bioregions of the continent, with social indicators below the regional average, especially in terms of deficits in access to infrastructure and essential services such as health, education, and access to drinking water [16, 17, 18, 19]. More than 60% of this area, approximately 52,000,000 hectares, is Argentine territory. Within this, the so-called
Figure 1.
A. Study area: Chaco salteño. Source: extracted from Krapovickas, Rainer & Mikkelsen, 2019 [21] copyright B. Emergency index map for water management in the province of Salta. Source: Juarez et al., 201,722 copyright. Available on
Considering that the region has social indicators below the regional average, especially in terms of the lack of access to infrastructure and essential services such as health, education, and access to drinking water, water scarcity is undoubtedly the most serious social problem. Water represents a crisis factor for both its excessive availability (flooding of the Pilcomayo River) and its scarcity (extreme droughts). Nevertheless, to understand the problem of access to safe water, it is necessary to recognize the geographical, seasonal, and governance characteristics of the province. Both in the American Chaco in general and in the Argentine Chaco in particular, indigenous communities have a very strong bond with the environment. They share a spiritual, cultural, and social relationship with their ancestral lands and ecosystems. The Argentine Chaco can be understood as a hydro-social territory, where the socioeconomic, political, and cultural processes of the territory are incorporated into the natural understanding of water and determine the particular forms of control and use of water [24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30]. Today, moreover, these areas are being degraded by factors related to climate change, causing new environmental problems such as prolonged droughts, floods, and forest fires [31].
In the Chaco region of Salta, access to water in rural communities is a serious structural problem that represents the greatest limitation to the productive capacity and adaptation to climate change of producer families, being a cross-cutting problem in the region to most productive activities [32, 33]. In a large part of the province, the supply is not guaranteed, neither in sufficient quantity nor in sufficient quality, with the aggravating factor that there is an unsafe management of water since it is not stored appropriately. One of the most pressing problems for families is the lack of sufficient water for human consumption and therefore for production [19, 32]. In the area, there are more than 50,000 people without safe water service coverage, and there are areas of contaminated water associated with the presence of arsenic and high salinity. The Northwest of Argentina (provinces of Salta and Jujuy) is one of the areas most affected by the presence of arsenic in water, with high concentrations of arsenic [34, 35, 36]. In many of these areas, groundwater is the main source of drinking water throughout the year (70% of the water distribution system is through boreholes that come from groundwater), which mainly exposes rural and dispersed populations that do not have safe surface sources to contaminants [37, 38, 39].
Access to safe water is related to other problems that have an impact on the lives of smallholder families and are factors in the uprooting and disappearance of productive units: access to safe food, lack of access to education, infant and maternal mortality, social and gender inequalities, conflicts over loss of land tenure, environmental pollution, and extreme poverty [40, 41]. It is also a violation of human rights. Today, taking into consideration the circumstances of the past COVID-19 epidemic and its economic and social consequences, the situation in the region is even more vulnerable.
2. Safety water management experiences in the Chaco region: rainwater collecting systems
To ensure water security in the Chaco region of Salta, we must emphasize water accessibility and quality. This is a key point in the management of water resources, to meet the water needs of the region in terms of quantity and quality.
Equitable access to water depends on technologies that protect, filter, and distribute water; but it also depends on social arrangements that protect the less powerful from exclusion [42, 43]. Given that in most areas of the world, water remains a common property (albeit highly contested) resource, barriers to access are often determined not so much by prices as by such things as geographic variation in supply, quality, and reliability, and ownership of (or access to) water infrastructure [44]. In Salta Chaco, in particular, the situation is not easy; wells are far away, and transporting energy requires high costs, so in some places, solar panels are used for extraction by drilling. Therefore, access to water resources is limited due to problems of availability (available flow), quality (salinity), and infrastructure (technologies)18. However, as already discussed, standard technological responses, such as drilling new wells or protecting community water supplies, are a key solution to water supply but do not necessarily solve water insecurity in this area. In addition, the cost of water per hectare is the same for a farmer as for an agro-industrial producer, which reinforces an inequitable relationship between the two [45, 46]. In this hydro-social territory, the main decisions continue to be made within the hegemonic development model and without the intervention of the affected populations, ignoring and/or subalternizing their knowledge and productive and reproductive practices [47]. However, social-ecological systems cannot be managed in a centralized, top-down manner, but require a new style of governance based on decentralized and cooperative networks. Achieving the goal of access to safe drinking water requires concerted action at all levels of governance and the participation of all stakeholders. One solution that has proven to be effective is the rainwater harvesting system [48, 49, 50, 51, 52]. But the analysis of the water issue in the context of sustainable development requires taking a long-term view, to account for some hydrological and social processes. In addition, water authorities need to consider the vulnerability of water systems to potential future climate change, not just past climate variability. Legal, technical, and economic approaches to water resource management should be re-evaluated in the face of possible climate change and future demographic changes.
Water harvesting by precipitation concentration and storage for beneficial use [53, 54], represents a key to coping with water scarcity and sustaining agricultural production [55, 56, 57, 58]. Rainwater Harvesting cisterns are part of the so-called social technologies or technologies for social inclusion as a set of replicable products, techniques and/or methodologies developed in interaction with the community and representing effective solutions for social transformation. This type of system has the following advantages: (i) It can be covered so that there are no significant evaporation losses; (ii) it collects water during the rainy season and stores it during the rainy season; (iii) the cistern is built close to the residence, avoiding long journeys to get the daily water, taking away free time to carry out other activities; (iv) with proper care, the stored water can be of higher quality than other water from different sources; and (v) with proper care, the stored water can be of higher quality than water from other sources [59]. These systems have proven to have great potential to cope with climatic adversities, while at the same time, they represent an important contribution to the development strategies of the Semi-Arid Chaco. Rainwater harvesting cisterns are also part of the Climate Change Adaptation strategies. Indeed, the Intergovernmental Panel on (IPCC) Climate Change Report [60] names this technology as an example of sustainable development in the semi-arid tropics.
Precisely in the Brazilian semi-arid region, in 2010, the Ministry of Social Development together with several NGOs launched the “Water for All” program to build 367 cisterns to distribute drinking water and another 600 thousand for water used in food production and animal husbandry in the northeast of Brazil, a region that concentrates most of the 36.3 million poor people in Brazil (Figure 2). Inspired by the experience in Brazil, in 2013, this Brazilian technology of plate cisterns and rainwater storage for human consumption arrived in Argentina through an articulation between INTA and the Brazilian Semi-Arid (ASA Brazil); being a great solution to the problem of access to water for many families in several parts of the country. They have a capacity of 16,000 liters and are built near the house using a system of gutters and pipes to collect rainwater through the roof system and store it in the pool. The main objective of these systems is to give priority attention to the indigenous and Creole populations that do not have access to drinking water. Thus, it allowed the design of a rainwater collection, filtration, and storage system adapted to semi-arid regions and for people’s consumption. Accordingly, in the same year, the Latin American Semi-Arid Platform was also created [61]; for learning and exchange among leaders, farmers, technicians, and officials on innovative practices for the sustainable use and management of natural resources in the Trinational Chaco (Argentina, Bolivia, and Paraguay), Northeastern Brazil, and the Central American Dry Corridor (Honduras, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and El Salvador). In these areas, the use of cisterns has shown good results.
Figure 2.
Timeline of the joint plan (alliance between the state, civil society associations, and communities) for access to water in the Chaco Salteño.
In 2016, a “water technical table” began to operate in the province of Salta, aimed at addressing specific issues regarding water needs, mainly in the Chaco region of Salta. The table was composed of various agencies and constituted a link between institutions to streamline procedures and provide greater response to water problems [62]. In 2017, this space was formally constituted as the “Coordination and action roundtable for water access and management in the Chaco Salta” in July 2016, based on an agreement signed between the Ministry of Indigenous Affairs and Community Development of Salta, the NGO FUNDAPAZ, the Semi-Arid Platform of Latin America, the
One of the key proposals on which the roundtable has been working is access to water through models that guarantee a solution for the dispersed rural population. This is how, through the work that has been managed in this space, the Water Access and Management Law, Law 8168, was promoted, presented to the government of the province in November 2019, and converted into law a month later (Figure 2). This law establishes that all public works to be built in water-scarce areas must have a rainwater harvesting system. It is estimated that this law will guarantee greater access to water for almost 8000 peasant and indigenous families, and will allow the promotion of a new form of safe water management in the
Indeed, the rainwater harvesting system has represented a solution for the access and supply of safe water in some parts of this region, where the drilling of water wells is not safe. These technologies are part of the so-called social technologies, which are developed in interaction with the community and represent effective solutions for social transformation.
3. Water security: from conflict to institutionality
Even if it is true that the construction of rainwater harvesting cisterns throughout this area is generating positive effects for different types of actors, they also give rise to socioenvironmental conflicts and conflicts over water management (distribution conflicts). However, water conflicts, in turn, can become a real impetus for institutional innovations. This is true both at the level of local community management and public policies.
Many mobilizations for water justice have proposed new principles of water management and have not only been active in promoting the human right to water but have also been the first to support the recognition of water, along with land and air, nature, in short, as a subject of rights. Water crises are often crises of governance, and these mobilizations should make us rethink the idea that the solutions to water problems do not come with the creation of new infrastructures, but rather with new and better governance and forms of water management to make them effective and sustainable.
In this sense, peasant and indigenous organizations can contribute to knowledge management: to the design of public policies and plans for sustainable management of natural resources. Networks of local organizations also provide an opportunity to respond to their own needs in the medium and long term.
However, the type of model we know as community water management is not always necessarily the most just and ecological. Even so, bottom-up initiatives can express ecological, subsistence, and cultural values outside markets or state power.
The search for these models of inclusive social technology such as water cisterns makes it possible to achieve a better coexistence with the entire semi-arid Chaco region, a reduction in the impact of climate change, and the ecological vulnerability of the population, favoring environmentally sustainable human development and the basic living conditions of the population.
The Mesa space is an example of articulation between civil society and the state for the management and promotion of public policies for access to water. From these spaces, originating in the heart of civil society, progress is also made in the formalization and institutionalization of regional strategies of joint work, as was the realization in Salta of the First Trinational Meeting of Water Management and Access Tables in the Chaco Region. This was held in July 2022 with the participation of representatives of this type of space in Argentina, Bolivia, and Paraguay, with the aim of sharing experiences in similar spaces and advancing a common work plan for access to water in the Chaco region.
Based on participatory mapping, the Mesa carried out collective diagnostic exercises in which it identified critical situations, reached a consensus on the order of priority for the works, quantified the need for catchment and storage for each case, and defined the plan to offer a specific solution for the families or communities chosen.
The dynamics of dialog, collective decision-making, and articulations generated from Mesa’s activities produced results beyond the construction of water harvesting systems linked to public policy advocacy strategies.
In 2019, an important milestone was that Mesa achieved the sanction of its proposed law—provincial law No. 8168—which establishes that rainwater harvesting and storage equipment be installed in buildings—mainly in rural areas—constructed by the provincial state in areas where there is a deficit in access to safe water. This initiative makes it possible that, in the future, an adequate water system will be contemplated in new buildings.
Likewise, in February 2020, in response to an event that gained national transcendence, the death from thirst and hunger of seven children and women from
After more than a year of work, the
The proposal for the elaboration of the Protocol took place in an Assembly of the Board, to comply with ILO Convention 169, referring to indigenous communities and the National Law 25.675 of the Nation. It was carried out by FUNDAPAZ and the Institute of Environmental Law and Sustainability of the UCASAL—Catholic University of Salta—both members of the board of directors signed an agreement to carry it out. This agreement also included the United Nations High Commissioner’s Office with the support of the Argentine Resident Coordinator’s Office, UN Women, and the Socio-Environmental Studies and Research Group belonging to the Non-Conventional Energy Research Institute (National Research Council). The latter organization participated with the purpose of incorporating uniformity in water quality criteria and minimum management guidelines that should be followed to have access to safe water. This project takes up the provisions of UN Resolution 64/292, which “recognizes that the right to safe drinking water and sanitation is a human right essential for the full enjoyment of life and all human rights.”
To carry out the participatory process that would lead to the elaboration of the Protocol, during 2021, participatory workshops were held in the four areas where the Mesa del Agua del Chaco Salteño has a scope, in the departments of General San Martín and Rivadavia. There is an international, national, and provincial regulatory framework, by which free and informed prior consultation with the communities is a recognized right for indigenous peoples as an action of historical reparation. At the core of this normative set, we can mention ILO Convention 169 (1989) [65], in force in Argentina since 1992, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007) [66], the National Constitution of 1994, and the provincial constitutions.
On the other hand, there is the
These examples of water management experiences from collaboration between the state and civil society have proven to be essential for the sustainable and participatory development of rural areas with dispersed rural marginalized populations.
4. Closing remarks
The water crisis is a global situation that will undoubtedly worsen because of climate change if adequate adaptation policies are not adopted to cushion the vulnerability of the population, particularly the poorest communities, to the risks of drought and heavy rainfall, which, according to all forecasts, will tend to increase in both intensity and frequency.
Water security will go hand in hand with optimal resource management, carried out by provincial and municipal governments, with emphasis on improving regulatory and institutional frameworks and strengthening the role of organizations; ensuring inclusive and sustainable provision of water (and sanitation) services; implementing improvements in efficient and compatible management. Strengthening water resources management will be the fundamental pillar for adaptation to climate change and growing water demand. Of course, this goes hand in hand with the urgent need to promote public policies to guarantee access to water and land, specifically in the Chaco Salteño and at the regional level. Thus, improvements in Argentina’s water governance system are necessary conditions for building the environment that will enable the achievement of SDG 6.
After the crisis generated by the COVID-19 pandemic, which has highlighted the shortcomings in the supply of safe water for human use, comprehensive planning will be necessary (especially in developing countries) to design not only new infrastructures but also new management models in addition to rehabilitating and protecting existing successful ones. To this end, a robust institutional framework is essential to ensure the adaptability of the systems to future similar events. The new water management will have to revise regulatory frameworks and policy instruments to achieve the goal of generating more resilient and prosperous rural areas.
The experience of the Mesa de Coordinación y Acción para el Acceso y Gestión del Agua is a valuable example of the potential of integrating the beneficiaries of actions to support vulnerable communities in the collective process of identifying their problems and building solutions. The experience of the participation of the communities in the mapping of needs, the assignment of priorities for the implementation of solutions, and the construction and maintenance of water collection and storage systems stimulates trust and collaboration among the inhabitants, encourages the commitment of the beneficiaries with the execution of the program, broadens their management capacities and their pool of constructive skills, mobilizes resources in the area of belonging, and favors the rooting and development of productive activities. The success obtained so far in the provision of solutions for the supply of safe water to vulnerable populations of the Chaco Salteño by the Mesa can be considered for the design and implementation of public policies, increasing the probability of achieving its objectives.
These management experiences demonstrate that the solutions to water problems will come more from governance than from infrastructure. Changes in management and institutions are the key to sustainable development. In the specific case of Salta, the most successful management of water resources was promoted from the civil level. Initiatives originating in civil society, such as the Chaco Water Roundtable, become management alternatives and new governance modalities. In them, decision-making in the water sector is transparent and involves all interested parties. Ecological functions are recognized and maintained. Human use of water becomes sustainable, understanding that the solution to the complex set of water problems cannot be achieved without addressing the interrelationships between technological, demographic, economic, social, environmental, and institutional issues.
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